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Why once vibrant, vocal civil society in Nigeria has taken back seat – Zikirullahi

By Opeyemi Bamidele
04 May 2024   |   4:04 am
Ibrahim Mualeem Zikirullahi is a seasoned civil society activist and development professional with over 20 years of expertise in project management, resource mobilisation, grassroots organising, policy analysis, and advocacy. Popularly known as Comrade Zik, he is currently the Executive Director, Resource Centre for Human Rights and Civic Education (CHRICED), an organisation committed to promoting a democratic,…
Ibrahim-M.-Zikirullahi

Zikirullahi

Ibrahim Mualeem Zikirullahi is a seasoned civil society activist and development professional with over 20 years of expertise in project management, resource mobilisation, grassroots organising, policy analysis, and advocacy. Popularly known as Comrade Zik, he is currently the Executive Director, Resource Centre for Human Rights and Civic Education (CHRICED), an organisation committed to promoting a democratic, representative and inclusive political culture in Nigeria. Zikirullahi has received many local and international awards, among which is the Excellent Award by the IVLP/United States Embassy for ‘Outstanding Contributions to International Visitors Leadership Program, IVLP, Alumni Development and Commitment to Excellence in Leadership and Election Monitoring’. In this interview with OPEYEMI BAMIDELE, the Agbede, Edo State-born speaks on issues around democracy, governance and the civic space in Nigeria.

What is your assessment of today’s civil society in relation to the open space democracy has offered to interrogate activities of government?
The current state of civil society in Nigeria is characterised by its feebleness, vulnerability and submissiveness. Over the years, civil society has experienced a significant decline in its strength and influence, especially after the repressive rule of military dictators. This decline can be attributed to the absence of a support system for civic actors, with only a handful of non-governmental organisations (NGOs) managing to secure donor support, a task that is often arduous for the broader civil society.

During the era of military dictatorship, civil society organisations faced severe restrictions and crackdowns, leading to the erosion of their power and influence. Many activists and organisations were silenced, intimidated or forced into exile, leaving a void in the advocacy and watchdog roles. The lack of a conducive environment for civil society to operate freely and independently under the civilian-based governance has further weakened its ability to hold the government accountable and advocate for the rights and welfare of the Nigerian people.

Furthermore, the limited availability of financial resources has hindered the growth and sustainability of civil society organisations. Donor support, which is crucial for the functioning of NGOs, is often difficult to secure due to various factors such as stringent donor requirements, competition for limited funding, and a lack of trust in the effectiveness and transparency of some organisations. As a result, many civil society actors struggle to access the necessary resources to carry out their work effectively, limiting their impact and reach.

The weakness of civil society in Nigeria is further intensified by the compliant mindsets and actions of certain civic actors who have embraced corruption, ethnic biases and religious justifications. Fear of reprisals, including harassment, arrest or even violence, has led to self-censorship and reluctance to challenge the status quo. This has allowed the government, businessmen and other politically exposed persons to operate with impunity, further undermining the potential of civil society to bring about meaningful change.

So you think that civil society has taken the back seat, leaving politicians to carry on unhindered, unchecked?
In Nigeria, the dominance of politicians and their manipulation of poverty as a tool for control have resulted in the diminishing influence of civil society. This shift has not only revealed the true intentions of certain civil society actors, who were primarily seeking personal gain and advancement, but has also led to a complacency among those who share the same ethnic or religious background as those in power. As a result, the once vibrant and vocal civil society in Nigeria has taken a back seat, allowing politicians to operate without hindrance or accountability.

Will you blame it on the fact that many activists have joined the government or have become sympathetic to political parties since 2014, when there was a major endorsement for change?
Activists’ involvement in government and their sympathy for political parties did not originate in 2014. The recruitment of some civic figures into various roles such as media advisers, personal assistants, special assistants/advisers, domestic advisers, consultants, etc., began gradually in 1998 with the rise of political parties and the handover of power in May 1999. The shift towards change in 2014 was a reaction to the shortcomings of the ruling party at the time, the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP). Regrettably, numerous political figures accountable for the PDP’s failures defected in large numbers to capitalise on the change movement within the All Progressives Congress (APC). Predictably, the APC evolved into a hotbed of corruption and a colossal failure. President Buhari’s sudden alignment with corrupt politicians and proxy governance led to the disappointment of some civic factors who had placed high expectations in his administration, causing them to fizzle out from the civic sphere.

How much of change do we have now, in eight years of Buhari and nearly one year of Tinubu administration?
During President Buhari’s eight-year tenure and President Tinubu’s nearly one-year administration, the promised change by the APC government transformed into a period of turmoil in our nation’s history. President Buhari’s policies, which were harsh and inhumane, resulted in a dark era for Nigerians, characterised by sadness, suffering and violence. The government’s inadequate response to various challenges caused widespread hardship among the population, undermining their well-being and safety. Nigeria’s reputation as the world’s poverty capital, along with the rise in banditry, kidnapping, terrorism and lawlessness, exposed the lack of vision and strategic thinking within the Buhari administration.

President Tinubu, belonging to the same political party as his predecessor, has followed a similar path during his short time in office, perpetuating the unpopular policies of the previous administration. Tinubu’s decisions, such as unilaterally removing fuel subsidies and floating the naira, have only worsened the difficulties faced by the Nigerian people, leading to widespread unemployment, poverty, hunger, disease, insecurity and mounting debt.

How disappointed or excited are you concerning the delivery of dividends of democracy to the people?
I am profoundly disheartened that 25 years into civilian-based governance, there is no visible delivery of democracy dividends to the people. To say that I am disappointed would be an understatement. The prevailing sentiment across the nation is one of anguish and despair. Instead of experiencing the benefits promised by democracy, Nigerians have been confronted with the scourges of banditry, hunger, unemployment, loss of livelihood, a staggering number of school dropouts, a multitude of out-of-school children and pervasive insecurity. Regrettably, the government’s response to these challenges has only served to traumatise the citizens further, rendering them incapable of coping with the political, economic and social hemorrhages, which have befallen the country.

What specific policies of the civilian administration are not in tune with aspirations and expectations of the civil societies that fought military rule?
Many policies of the civilian administration do not align with the expectations of civil societies. For example, citizen participation is limited to elections, which are often manipulated and do not reflect the will of the people. Efforts to have a people-oriented electoral system have faced obstacles. Additionally, there is a lack of opportunities for referendums on important national political and economic issues. The fight against corruption lacks a comprehensive strategy, leading to incessant political interference and conflicts between different security agencies. The constitution, imposed by the military, continues to govern the country in a biased manner. Civil society is not viewed as a partner in national development but rather as opposition. The space for civic engagement is challenging and the prevailing political culture remains authoritarian, influenced by a society marked by contradictions and animosities among various social classes, ethnic groups, religious beliefs and gender identities. This authoritarian culture is deeply ingrained in Nigerian society, perpetuated by socio-economic structures and conflicts between ruling and oppressed classes, as well as ethnic divisions.

Some ECOWAS countries have opted for military rule because of disappointment with politicians. What will be your advice to countries that are struggling with civilian governments?
The series of military coups in ECOWAS countries have received a warm reception from crowds of citizens who view them as a tangible intervention against the long-standing political, economic and social oppression imposed by politicians. Pro-democracy activists, scholars and analysts are currently scrambling to find plausible explanations for this trend. Many citizens and residents of West Africa consider ECOWAS to be a club of presidents established solely for their own protection and self-preservation. Initially conceived to promote the free movement of residents and foster economic partnerships, the regional organisation has fallen victim to poor leadership within the sub-region. Successive ECOWAS presidents have grappled with issues of legitimacy and internal political challenges, hindering the realisation of the promised “community of people” through ECOWAS commission reforms. Consequently, the region continues to grapple with corruption, lack of accountability, poverty, widespread unemployment, inequality, and most recently, insecurity that poses significant threats to democracy.

However, the election of President Bassirou Diomaye Faye of Senegal has demonstrated that with resilience, focus and unity of purpose, depraved and corrupt politicians can be ousted from office through the ballot box, without resorting to military coups. Therefore, the Senegalese situation serves as a valuable lesson for Nigeria and other ECOWAS countries striving to learn from it.

As one who was in the trenches in the decades of military rule, how worried are you?
I am deeply concerned and worried because the experience so far under civilian rule has failed to validate the significant struggles fought on the grounds of ideas and actions during the era of military rule. Nigerian politicians have persistently treated most of the population as mere subjects whose primary purpose is to fulfill their own selfish desires.

Corrupt politicians have essentially transformed Nigeria into a personal enterprise, with the APC and PDP taking ownership and distributing favours to other political parties for their own benefit. The term “progressives” does not accurately reflect their actions, and those claiming to be “democratic” do not truly uphold democratic values. As President Bola Ahmed Tinubu accurately pointed out during his campaign, their primary goal is to “grab power, snatch it, and run away with it.”

Take us on a memory lane to your days in civil activism. What are those fond experiences?
Throughout my extensive experience as an advocate and champion for transparency and accountability, I have consistently fought against various injustices and corrupt practices. Starting from the 1990s, when I spearheaded a strike at the Security Printing and Minting Company (NSPMC), to my tenure as Chairman of the Transition Monitoring Group (TMG), and now in my current position as Executive Director and Board Secretary of the Resource Centre for Human Rights and Civic Education (CHRICED), I have undertaken numerous critical initiatives to uncover and condemn injustice and corruption in Nigeria.

In 1995, I led workers to protest the ban on Joint Consultative Committee (JCC) activity in the Nigerian Security Printing and Minting Company (NSPMC), and to resist the inhumane working conditions that included degrading naked searches, 12-hour daily shifts and the lack of safety equipment. I undertook this risky endeavour, fully aware of the potential dangers it posed to my life and personal freedom. If it weren’t for my bold actions, these oppressive conditions would have persisted without any intervention. The public outcry that ensued helped shed light on the company’s and Abacha administration’s practice of institutionalised servitude.

Consequently, 2,042 of us were dismissed through a radio announcement, as the Head of State, General Sani Abacha, had been informed that we were being sponsored by NADECO. However, this dismissal did not deter us. We regrouped and formed the Mint Workers Forum (MWF), with me serving as the Secretary General. I challenged the unjust dismissal and rights violation in courts, despite facing arrests, detention and intimidation from both the company and the repressive Abacha regime. I provided strong leadership to the sacked workers, leading them in various forms of activism, including street protests, media outreach, signature and letter campaigns. In 2003, the Obasanjo administration established an arbitration panel, which condemned the actions of the company and government as reprehensible, barbaric and a violation of our fundamental human rights. The panel awarded a compensation of N28 million to the workers, which I stoutly rejected, considering it yet another form of degrading treatment.

In my role as Deputy Secretary General and later Secretary General of the United Action for Democracy (UAD), a coalition of pro-democracy activists established in 1997 to oppose General Sani Abacha’s self-succession attempt and advocate for the validation of the annulled June 12, 1993 presidential election, I consistently emphasised the importance of Nigerians standing up against the tyranny and corruption of the ruling military elite.

Responsible for logistics and mobilisation, I ensured that our cadres and formations nationwide had the necessary support to carry out various actions. My residence in Ojuelegba provided refuge for some of our activists who were being pursued by Abacha. Under the leadership of Olisa Agbakoba, the UAD engaged in a significant struggle on both ideological and practical fronts. By countering the military junta’s propaganda, we successfully swayed public opinion. Despite the junta’s attempts to justify Abacha’s transition to a ‘civilian’ president by citing precedents in Africa and beyond, the UAD grounded its stance in Nigeria’s specific historical context while promoting universal democratic values and human rights principles. We argued that military rule was a rejected imposition by the people and that Abacha’s self-succession plan was merely a ploy to prolong military rule under a civilian facade.

Furthermore, the unresolved matter of the June 12, 1993, presidential election, which was invalidated and resulted in the winner, along with numerous other patriots, being imprisoned, remained a pressing concern. The UAD insisted on the establishment of a Transitional Government of National Unity, led by the rightful winner of that election, as the sole entity capable of overseeing a legitimate electoral process. The UAD’s public campaigns during that period are most effectively documented through reports in both print and electronic media, as well as their own extensive collection of leaflets, handbills, posters, and other publications.

In addition to the crucial battles fought on the intellectual, ideological and political fronts, there were significant instances of mass democratic action that played a pivotal role in thwarting the junta’s agenda.

These include: The famous Five-million-man March held in Lagos on March 3, 1998, which vehemently opposed the Youth Earnestly Ask for Abacha (YEAA) Two-million-man march in Abuja; the boycott of the National Assembly elections scheduled for April 25, 1998, which would have paved the way for Abacha’s continuation in power and the May Day rallies that took place in cities such as Ibadan, Ilorin, Lagos, Benin, Kano and Port Harcourt on May 1, 1998.

Upon the inception of civilian-based governance in 1999, UAD took the lead in driving efforts to reform the Nigerian constitution, local government structures, the electoral system and more.

In July 2012, I was elected Chairman of Transition Monitoring Group (TMG), a civil society coalition and the foremost independent election observers’ group in Nigeria with over 450 member organisations. It has structures in all the 36 states and 774 local councils in Nigeria. I was re-elected in 2014. My tour of duty at TMG resulted in fundamental reforms. These reforms include spearheading the amendment of the TMG Constitution to position the coalition to be in tune with global best practices; the design of the TMG Five-year Strategic Plan titled, ‘Redefining Relevance, Regaining Leadership’ to provide a road map to guide TMG intervention in the democratic space from 2013 to 2018. This has addressed the absence of critical policy framework for the coalition and has been backed up with putting in place of important policy documents and manuals to guide operations of TMG, such as the Procurement Manual, Programme and Accounting Guidelines, Personnel, Gender Policy, Communications Policy, Code of Conduct and conflict of interest policy. These reforms enabled TMG to deploy the gold standard Parallel Vote Tabulations (PVT) to observe the historic 2015 general election. TMG won several accolades from within Nigeria and the international community on account of the contributions made by my leadership. Under my watch, TMG made efforts in ensuring the votes of the Nigerian people count.

Despite my significant contributions to civic efforts in 2015, which played a crucial role in safeguarding the integrity of the voting process, I have continued to advocate for transparent, accountable and participatory governance. Through various civil society campaigns against corruption in Nigeria, I have consistently raised my voice against graft and its detrimental impact on the lives of ordinary citizens. In addition to spearheading data-driven initiatives aimed at combating corruption in vital sectors such as education, healthcare and public employment, I have utilised my platform to ensure that corrupt public officials are held responsible for their actions.

One significant experience I had was, during the fight against military dictatorship, there was a sense of unity and solidarity among professionals, labour unions, academics and civil society groups. The activists came from diverse backgrounds and social classes, all working towards the shared goal of removing the military from power and establishing democracy. However, the dynamics of organising efforts in schools, markets, workplaces and other settings have shifted from a sense of camaraderie and solidarity to one marked by anger and distrust following the transfer of power from military to civilian rule in 1999.

How are you interrogating governance from your corner of the civic space?
In my capacity as the Board Secretary and Executive Director of CHRICED, an organisation committed to the advancement of a democratic, representative and inclusive political culture in Nigeria, I have developed various initiatives focused on improving maternal and child healthcare, enhancing youth employment opportunities, advocating for girl-child education and eradicating forced child begging in northern Nigeria. Additionally, I have spearheaded community-driven anti-corruption initiatives – tackling constituency projects – as well as monitored the conditional cash transfer of recovered Abacha loot. Furthermore, I have successfully conducted research, organised conferences, outreaches, public forums, seminars, community town halls and roundtables to facilitate meaningful discussions and encourage active participation in shaping reforms.

One notable example of my unwavering commitment to holding public office holders accountable is my pivotal role in exposing corruption within the highest levels of the Nigerian judiciary. In a landmark case involving the former Chief Justice of Nigeria, Walter Nkanu Onnoghen, I authored a petition based on a comprehensive investigation into his asset declaration at the Code of Conduct Bureau. This petition revealed that the nation’s top judicial officer was entangled in a web of corruption, compromising his ability to dispense justice impartially. As a result, the National Judicial Council (NJC) summoned the Chief Justice to answer for his actions, ultimately leading to his removal from office.

Another example that demonstrates my commitment to fighting corruption and promoting accountable governance for the Nigerian people is my submission of a petition to the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC) in Nigeria. This petition called for a thorough investigation into allegations that then vice president Yemi Osinbajo authorised the withdrawal of N90 billion from the Federal Inland Revenue Service (FIRS) to finance the ruling party’s 2019 presidential election campaign. The purpose of this petition was to ensure that an impartial and independent investigative body examines the claims to determine their veracity. In public statements, I emphasised the importance of governance adhering to the principles of integrity, transparency and accountability in order to positively impact the lives of ordinary citizens.

I have consistently criticised President Buhari’s policies that negatively affect the people. In response to the abrupt removal of the Acting Chairman of the EFCC, Mr. Ibrahim Magu, and his team, I launched a campaign through press briefings, town halls, round tables and conferences to condemn the government’s actions, which undermine the fight against corruption.

I have fearlessly walked where others dare not tread. In the last three years, I have also spearheaded the struggle of Abuja Original Inhabitants (OIs) in the Federal Capital Territory (FCT), through the platform of CHRICED to facilitate dialogue with key government institutions and advocate for the inclusion and fairness of the Abuja Original Inhabitants in the administration and governance of Nigeria’s Federal Capital Territory. Over the past 30 years, the original inhabitants of Abuja have engaged in peaceful protests to highlight the severe neglect and lack of access to basic amenities. They have persistently raised their voices in an effort to end their marginalisation and deprivation by the Nigerian authorities. Since the Government of Nigeria forcefully took over their land more than four decades ago to establish the new Federal Capital Territory, the original inhabitants of the nation’ capital have endured continuous suffering of landlessness, statelessness, economic marginalisation, cultural emasculation and human rights abuses.

The defence of the fundamental principles of good and accountable governance has left me with many traducers who are bent on silencing me. In the face of these assaults, I have chosen to remain steadfast as a consistent voice of reason and truth in the campaign for true democracy and good governance in Nigeria.

What are your immediate and long-term expectations?
My immediate expectation is to see political parties in Nigeria that are democratic, representative, inclusive, accountable and open to civil society oversight and alliances. This is crucial because political parties that are not democratic in their functioning inhibit democratic outcomes, as we currently witness in Nigeria. For the long-term, my ultimate aspiration is for Nigeria to become a nation that upholds genuine democracy, prioritising the welfare of its citizens as the core focus of the government’s actions.

Tell us your goals and your dream of a strong and well organised polity?
My goals and dreams of a strong and well-organised polity entails a governance system where citizen participation, accountability and rule of law is the binding force of our democratic framework. This means citizens’ rights are guaranteed by establishing, among other things, civilian control of the military and ensuring the independence of the judiciary.

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